What the Zika epidemic means for gender and urban adaptation planning in Brazil

This post first appeared on The Nature of Cities.

The end of Zika doesn’t begin with the eradication of a mosquito: it requires a systemic, intersectional analysis to help identify how social, economic, urban, health and other structures shape women’s lives, power, and their vulnerability to climate impacts and access to resources.

Almost exactly two years ago, South America was swept up in a public health crisis that affected hundreds of thousands of women across the continent. In Brazil, more than 2,600 children were born with the microcephaly and other health complications resulting from the viral infection Zika. Brazilians quickly became accustomed to the unfamiliar name of the disease, which spread fast across the North East of the country and across borders to Colombia and Venezuela. Zika, a mosquito-borne viral disease that emerged in South America in 2015, is carried by the mosquito Aedis aegypti and can also be transmitted sexually.

 

As someone who works with climate change adaptation, I was particularly struck by the climatic and systemic elements of the epidemic. In the North East of Brazil, the area most affected by Zika, droughts are not uncommon and are intensifying with climate change. Many households, particularly among the poor, store water to deal with shortages that result from inefficiencies in urban water supply. Struck by abnormally high temperatures in the region, the combination of heat, stored water, and poor urban infrastructure provided fertile breeding ground for mosquitoes. Studies published since the crisis have helped establish that the El Niño contributed to unusually high temperatures in the region and that climate change is a contributing factor to Zika.

 

Another element which affected me was the evident gender inequality that marked the health crisis. As a middle-class white woman living in São Paulo, I felt far removed from the Zika crisis despite the incessant national and international media coverage and messages of concern from my friends abroad. I was not concerned with my exposure to Zika. I do not, however, live close to informal settlements or suffer from water shortages or poor urban development, and neither am I stuck in poverty.

 

Six percent of Brazil’s population—almost 12 million people—live in informal settlements known as favelas. Amongst this population of slum dwellers, roughly half, or 6 million people, are women. The gender disparity of the crisis is emphasised by the law professor Debora Diniz in her New York Times article: “Lost in the panic about Zika is an important fact: The epidemic mirrors the social inequality of Brazilian society. It is concentrated among young, poor, black and brown women, a vast majority of them living in the country’s least-developed regions.” Many of the urban regions affected by Zika lack basic public services, such as water supply or waste treatment. In 13 of the 27 state capital cities in Brazil, less than half the population has access to municipal with sewage collection services. On average, only 42 percent of cities have installed appropriate municipal sewage treatment services.

 

The most devastating impact of the Zika crisis was the impact on women’s human rights and the sheer lack of power, access to resources and information, and control they had over their bodies. In Brazil abortions are illegal; 20 percent of all pregnancies are in teenagers and half of pregnancies are unplanned. Access to family planning and reproductive information is limited. Throughout the Zika crisis, women infected with the virus were not granted abortions, and initial government response to the crisis focussed on advising women only to withhold from sex and delay pregnancy. The onus to prevent Zika or minimise risks of infecting was shouldered onto women.

 

As the crisis unfolded, I found myself trying to gather insights into how Zika affected women from public health, racial injustice, water security, climate change, gender inequality, abortion, urban development, and human rights perspectives. I developed a sense of urgency that the epidemic afforded us an opportunity to understand and gain insights into how potential climate change impacts in cities must be understood from a systemic and intersectional approach. How can cities ensure their most vulnerable citizens are protected from and prepared for climate change? More importantly, how can cities account for the varying impacts on climate change across diverse groups of people, identities, and individuals?

 

The recent and excellent report Neglected and Unprotected: The Impact of the Zika Outbreak on Women and Girls in Northeastern Brazil, published in July by the Human Rights Watch, analyses the long-term impacts of the Zika epidemic on women, with far-reaching analysis that goes beyond climate change and gender inequality. The Human Rights Watch report makes technical recommendations that address public health emergency response, access to health information, education and awareness raising, child support, people’s rights to water security and sanitation, sexual and reproductive healthcare, decriminalisation of abortion, climate change adaptation policy, and urban development amongst others. The end of Zika doesn’t begin with the eradication of a mosquito: it requires urban planning through an intersectional lense.

 

The term intersectionality was coined by critical race theorist Kimberlé Crenshaw and is defined as “the interaction between gender, race and other categories of difference in individuals lives, social practices, institutional arrangements, and cultural ideologies and the outcomes of these intersections in terms of power.” Intersectionality serves as a relevant lense through which to analyse climate change impacts in cities. In disasters risk management research intersectionality helped develop understanding that although vulnerability to extreme weather events is gendered, it is “also shaped by ability, family type, cultural/racial group, and class.”

 

Adopting intersectional approaches can help reveal otherwise hidden information about groups of people or individuals that are useful for climate change adaptation planning and extreme weather events. Here are some practical questions developed by Matsuda that city managers should consider when working on urban adaptation planning: “When I see something that looks sexist, I ask, ‘Where is the heterosexism in this?’ When I see something that looks homophobic, I ask, ‘Where is the class interests in this?”

 

 

Screen Shot 2017-11-10 at 17.04.19

With a better grasp of the realities that poor, black and brown young women face, urban planners could have better identified the need to reduce the risks of mosquito proliferation and developed long-term support structures to families affected by Zika. City managers and planners need to internalise and promote awareness of intersecting structures to identify particular needs and vulnerabilities that aren’t at first obvious and develop plans accordingly. Solutions to climate change will come through better governance, planning, and efforts to increase participation and social inclusion. It is crucial to derive lessons from the Zika epidemic that could benefit and improve urban climate change planning and adaptation in Brazil. As cities prepare to build capacity to plan for and manage climate change impacts, this process should ensure it is accountable to individuals’ and groups’ different needs, life experiences, power, access to resources and vulnerability.

 

5 Emerging Trends in Climate Resilience

At the beginning of May I traveled to Rotterdam to participate in Adaptation Futures, the largest conference on climate change adaptation. Not the conference junkie I tend to be a bit skeptical of large events but this conference went beyond my expectations. What stood out to me:

  • Relevant: occurs every two years, so allows practitioners to take stock of developments. It’s definitely more about content and advancing solutions than marketing.
  • Inclusive: there was a good representation of delegates from developing countries, who had received sponsorship to participate.
  • Representative: panels generally included more than one woman and the organisers made an effort to ensure race balance too.

These are important characteristics to note at such a large event – it sets a precedent for how we should be thinking and doing adaptation; through inclusion, representation, and ensuring relevancy.

The Adaptation Futures conference in Rotterdam, Holland, brought together more than 1,700 practitioners and researchers from more than 95 countries—the largest conference on climate adaptation ever. From the discussions, it’s clear that knowledge and expertise on climate adaptation is evolving. Here are five emerging trends I noted and wrote about at www.wri.org:

1) Success means affecting individual lives.

In her opening keynote, UNFCCC Executive Secretary Christiana Figueres encouraged delegates to think of adaptation as a means for making people’s lives better: “Do not hide behind the aggregate, and risk faltering on our responsibility at the individual level. The question that we need to wake up to every morning is: Have we made the life of these people any easier and more livable?”

Adaptation efforts are only as effective as the impact they have on each person. Interventions around the world are beginning to reflect this, where previously they focused on aggregate impacts of climate change and did not consider the local, individualized analysis. For example, the city of Rio de Janeiro is testing indicators that measure and build resilience at the individual level. The ultimate aim is to identify policies and actions that can help individual persons enhance their capacities to manage climate change and become more resilient. To gain these insights, Rio de Janeiro’s resilience team will be measuring individuals’ perception of risk, their level of preparedness, and their knowledge on risk-reducing habits.

2) Cities are at the forefront.

Cities are reaching the forefront of both climate impacts and climate action. As populations grow and climate-related natural disasters strain cities, adaptation and resilience need to be integrated into urban development.

Some cities are already prioritizing adaptation. New York, London, Durban and scores of other cities have established special task forces and partnerships to tackle climate change at the highest levels of local government. Meanwhile, local councils in Australia have begun integrating climate hazards into local and state legislating to drive bottom-up adaptation. For example, in Pittwater, Australia, permission for development is “only granted once the local council is satisfied that sea level rise, coastal erosion and recession, or change of flooding patterns as a result of climate change have been considered.”

3) We need to think big.

Adaptation is transitioning from small, one-off pilot projects into large scale, sustained programs. It’s evolving from an incremental practice to a more systemic one.

For example, the city of Rotterdam applied a simple concept of “piggy-backing” to mainstream adaptation and resilience across the city’s infrastructure. The city started assessing urban development projects with a climate lens, assigning adaptation mainstreaming managers to them. Adaptation is now built-in to urban planning decisions—for example, the city created procedures for when high temperatures affect bridge performance, and developed standards for permeable pavement that can accommodate heavy rain and flooding.

4) Nature-based solutions are gaining ground.

Experts promoted nature-based solutions for adaptation to improve the resilience of cities, increase water access, protect natural ecosystems and reduce disaster risks. Natural or “green” infrastructure—such as forests and restored landscapes for water services, and trees, grasses and green roofs for heat stress and flooding—can provide cost effective and sustainable solutions that complement traditional built or “grey” infrastructure. For example, the Technical University of Munich found that trees and green walls can offset higher temperatures resulting from climate change.

5) Adaptation will transform development models.

We adapt to climate change not for the sake of it, but for some greater goal—food security, continued prosperity, livelihood security and so on. It is therefore a means to an end for more holistic, climate-compatible development. The message that we can achieve more if we are cognizant of adaptation in the context of larger development outcomes resounded with practitioners and financers at Adaptation Futures.

For example, to mainstream adaptation into national development planning processes, the government of Zambia started tracking finance in the national budget and trained Provincial Planning Units and District Planning Officers to mainstream climate resilience into development planning. This process resulted in 14 district-level roadmaps.

Moving Forward Faster

The trends highlighted above are reasons for optimism that climate action is gaining both speed and scale. At the same time, there are many opportunities to move the ball further on adaptation.

While adaptation finance has increased in recent years, it’s not reaching local levels fast enough, particularly in developing countries at the frontline of climate impacts. Within this context, a majority of the sessions highlighted the need to engage the private sector. However, the question of how to most effectively and efficiently do so is still live. Finally, many sessions underlined the importance of breaking down siloes and identifying co-benefits with mitigation for adaptation to reach its fullest potential and contribute to sustainable development goals.

Playing a risky game: climate change and conflict

Recently, high-profile names John Kerry and Elon Musk made direct statements on the link between climate change and conflict. The US Secretary of State said in a statement that climate change was a contributing factor to the civil war in Syria, whilst the solar and space entrepreneur cast a long-term view on the European refugee crisis: “today’s refugee problem is perhaps a small indication of what the future will be like if we do not take action with respect to climate change”.

Prior to the civil war in Syria, international security experts were confident the country would not succumb to the Arab Spring. Yet researchers at the Center for Climate and Security have pointed out that climate was overlooked as an environmental stressor in policy assessments, omitting “[the] massive internal migration […], mainly on the periphery, from farmers and herders who had lost their livelihoods completely”, as a result of drought.

1.5 million people on the move

Drought_Syria_Charles Roffey

Flickr/Charles Roffey

Recent research demonstrates how one of the worst droughts on record to hit Syria between 2007-2010 caused mass rural migration: as 60% of the land experienced severe lack of rainfall, unsustainable farming practices gave way, causing farmers to lose their livelihoods. This initiated a rural exodus of more than 1.5 million people into cities. The urban population soared, creating new, and exacerbating existing social and infrastructure stresses. Ultimately this led to heightened societal tensions – and devastating conflict at record scales.

Linking change and conflict: what the experts say

The relationship between climate change and conflict is not new to research. A hotly contested paper published by Hsiang et al. looks at quantifying the impact of climate change on human conflict and made recent splashes in the media, reigniting the discussion. There is a long-standing debate on whether climate increases conflicts, but as critics point out, there is a need for more research on how climate variability and change result in increased rates of conflict”.

Edward Carr encourages that research on the link between climate change and conflict be actionable, contributing to policy and avoiding environmental determinism, which can cause media sensationalism. A 2012 University of Colorado Boulder study on armed conflicts in East Africa echoes this, concluding that “socioeconomic, political and geographic factors play a much more substantial role than climate change”. Calling for a more nuanced analysis on climate change and conflict, Carr emphasizes that research should address what aspects of climate change will drive conflict, what countries will be affected, and how policy can be leveraged to reduce potential conflicts. Climate Central published a post linking to a

The perception that climate change is too far removed as a direct stressor, however, can be risky. Humanitarian expert Jim Jarvie points out that critics often consider climate change to lack ‘immediacy of now’ in conflict zones to be included in policy and risk assessments. The International Institute of Sustainable Development (IISD) produces continuous research on the issue, commenting that failure to include climate stressors in risk and conflict analysis could undermine potential for long-term sustainability of humanitarian work.

A post by Climate Central sums up a paper published in the National Academy of Sciences, stating the important role that climate change had to play and which can be linked to a chain of events: “There is a chain of events, stretching back over 40 years, that had led to the present calamitous conditions. The change in climate, forced by greenhouse gases, was one of the key events in this tragic story.”

Source: Climate Central, modified from Kelley et al., 2015

Source: Climate Central, modified from Kelley et al., 2015

The latest research and thought leadership acknowledges that climate change is a threat multiplier and enhances risk. Overlooking the weight of environmental stresses can undermine analysis and potentially lead to inaccurate assessments, as in the case of Syria. However, experts on both sides of the debate conclude that there remain large research gaps that need to be filled, in order to better understand the effect of climate change on conflicts and produce actionable research.

Within this context, the G7’s recent and widely-circulated report, A New Climate for Peace, calls climate change the “ultimate threat multiplier”, hastening conflict in fragile social situations. The launch of the report confirms that climate change has firmly shifted into national policy as a security threat, as demonstrated by a poll in which 70% of the world’s nations explicitly stated climate change as a national security concern.

The report calls climate change the “ultimate threat multiplier”

Adapting our looking glass

We cannot ignore the devastating consequences of the current Syrian refugee crisis, an historically unprecedented event. If we are to learn from history, we should begin by integrating climate risk into our planning and development processes. By increasing our awareness of climate stressors, we can work to better prepare for likely socio-economic impacts from climate change, and ensure strengthened continuity of social progress.

 

Everyday subtleties: reading racism between the lines

Since moving to Brazil two years ago, I have slowly been deconstructing the image I created of Brazil as a child and teenager. Too young to read into subtleties, I was never able to see beyond the veiled nature of racism that is rife in Brazil. Out there, Brazil is known as a racial democracy, a place where the people gather to samba, eat, drink and play football. Without a doubt this country has sold the image it desired to create to the outside world: a post-racial society where racism doesn’t exist.

But if you read between the lines you will pick up on social inequalities. This article by the Globe and Mail is one of the best out there thus far in English that sums up the subtleties extremely well.

The impact of mega events in Brazil

If you’re curious about the evolution of reactions within Brazil to the World Cup, this one’s for you.

My friend Nayana Fernandez who is a journalist at the Latin American Bureau and has written extensively on Brazil, has compiled a list of provocative articles covering the impact of the World Cup on Brazilian society and politics.

Latin American Bureau - indie media reporting on reporting from the viewpoint of the region’s poor and marginalised communities

Latin American Bureau – indie media reporting from the viewpoint of the region’s poor and marginalised communities

Naya’s reading list

Rio on Watch
Yellow Card campaign
Amnesty International
Survival International
Copa Pública (in Portuguese)

Videos:

The Dark Side of Rio’s World Cup by Catalytic Communities and partners
Public Domain by Paêbiru Produções
Aldeia Maracanã by Nayana Fernandez
No I’m not going to the World Cup by Carla Daudén

Articles:

Aldeia Maracanã marks 513 years of Indigenous Evictions in Brazil” by Nayana Fernandez (Mar 19, 2013)

Brazil: Indigenous Community Evicted as 2014’s World Cup Approaches” by Nayana Fernandez (April 2, 2013)

FIFA Beware! Journalist Teams Up with Brazil’s World Cup Victims” by Andrea Dip (May 31, 2013)

Uprising in Brazil: An Extraordinary Moment for Change” by Nayana Fernandez (June 25, 2013)

Why people are protesting against the World Cup” by Marina Amaral (June 26, 2013)

Brazilian football: Rich fans only, please” By Ciro Barros and Giulia Afiune (Aug 27, 2013)

The Never-Ending Eviction: Demolition, protest and police violence in a Rio favela” by Felicity Clarke (Jan 13, 2014)

Brazil: World Cup security locks in repression” by Raul Zibechi (April 8, 2014)

Força Nacional: Brazil’s New Praetorian Guard?” by Ciro Barros (May 2, 2014)

Brazil: Favela pacification at the heart of new violence” by Jordana Timerman (May 6, 2014)

Brazil: Why Is Blackwater helping to train the World Cup security squads?” by Dave Zirin and Jules Boykoff (May 9, 2104)

A Brazilian Street Artist Has Created the World Cup’s First Viral Image by Jeremy Stahl (May 20, 2014)

World Cup 2014: 22 Staggering Images Of Brazil’s Indigenous Tribes Taking On The Riot Police With Bows And Arrows” by Jessica Elgot (May 28, 2014)

Drought fuels World Cup blackouts fear” by Kieran Cooke (May29, 2014)

Beautiful Game – Deep in the Brazilian Jungle, Villages Host Their Own World Cup” by John Lyons (May 30, 2014)

Brazil’s poor stage an alternative World Cup” by Elisabeth Gorman (June 3, 2014)

Check out in London (UK):

Manifest-Action Brazil‘ a photography exhibition about the violations of human rights in Brazil, at the Amnesty International UK in London from 9 June – 14 July 2014 – Launch event June 16 with films screening and round table discussion.

Is the “World Cup of all World Cups” a social powder keg for Brazil?

Image blog“What could’ve been robbed has already been stolen”.

So goes a recent and famous repost by Joana Havelange, an Executive of the Local Organising Committee, about the World Cup and corruption. This more or less sets the tone of the current national mood concerning the World Cup, and Brazilian newspapers are guessing that this neat sound bite might turn into a slogan for the entire event.

As Brazil edges closer to what will be one of the biggest events the country has seen in years, there’s a bubbling sensation akin to a match-box that’s waiting to strike up into one big ball of fire – suddenly and fiercely. #NãoVaiTerCopa, “No World Cup”, has engraved itself into social media sites and can be seen as graffiti on the walls of host cities across Brazil. Instead of eliciting joy and excitement, the World Cup has put Brazil on tenterhooks.

I tend to take taxis when I travel for work around Brazil, and these short trips in the car provide great moments for a relaxed chat with a local. So far, in the six host cities I’ve recently visited, all but one taxi driver out of 20 or so expressed a sense of excitement. Most responses are angry, referring to the event as horrible, corrupt, unnecessary and not a priority.

Stadiums are ivory towers with little connection to their local environment

Across host cities, World Cup stadiums pierce the cityscape like shiny ivory towers, oddly unfitting to the surrounding environment. Whilst in Fortaleza, a taxi took me from the airport into town and we drove straight past the stadium. It was impressive, and so was one of the main avenues that had been completely demolished, now just a river of mud and dirt, months behind schedule. The airport terminal promised for the World Cup was also a mere pile of bricks with some lead sticking out of foundation pillars. “So is that piece of junk going to be delivered as promised after the World Cup?” the taxi driver said as he jerked his thumb at the sort-of-started-but-not-really new airport terminal, “it probably won’t, as the rest of the stuff they promised”.

Some of the most expensive shiny new stadiums have been built in host cities that don’t even have a decent football team like Brasília, Manaus and Cuiabá. Locals wonder who will foot the bill for maintenance costs and if they will ever fill the stadiums again after the event. Built to world-class, expensive FIFA standards, the legacy of the World Cup stadiums remains unclear, given many will be handed over to the private sector, therefore losing the opportunity for public-centred activities within the stadiums. As urbanist and academic Christopher Gaffney points out on his blog:

“of the nine stadiums fully constructed with public money, seven have been handed over to Public Private Partnerships and Manaus and Cuiabá are desperately trying to find elephant trainers. Why doesn’t the government demand that these stadiums have public schools or emergency care centers inside them? Why can´t we make them multi-functional, integrated elements of the social and urban fabrics?”.

protestos-copa

During the opening match of the World Cup, Dilma and Blatter from FIFA were welcomed by voracious booing that filled the stadium. Yet Fans showed with equal vigour their love and support for their national team. That the stadium played host to both booing and support demonstrates Brazilians’ love-hate relationship with the World Cup. The national and international protest against FIFA has reached such as extent that the organisation felt obliged to publish an FAQ that aims to clarify accusations directed at FIFA, which fails to mention important drivers such as the FIFA standards for stadiums, which cater to luxury and result in expensive stadiums.

Brazilians are pissed off and are slowly but surely gaining courage to show it – including on President Dilma’s Twitter page (a great 101 lesson into Brazilian insults and offensive humour, btw). In this new republic that’s still acclimatising to democracy, Brazilians are reclaiming spaces and growing their collective voice, despite facing police brutality.

Forever the “country of the future”?

And the Brazilian people have legitimate reasons too – with São Paulo’s population facing a severe water shortage crisis, 7 million people lacking basic sanitation, less than 20% of all committed infrastructure projects complete, and a government and police force that is getting ready to treat protestors as terrorists, it’s unlikely we’re going to be samba-ing our way to the stadiums. In the face of such issues, a World Cup hardly seems a priority, yet the government continues to invest more in stadiums than public health or education.

The World Cup was an opportunity for the “country of the future” to finally break through the developing ranks, emerge and shine amongst the new world. Brazilians were excited with the long list of promises attached to the World Cup. So whilst this event could have spurred growth, completed much-needed infrastructure projects and provided basic services to a growing middle class, Brazilians feel that they have been let down once again. As a taxi driver in São Paulo told me: “It’s as if we have forever been rowing against the tide, and I’m unsure how long I can go on.”

It’s no longer about the football

With a history of corruption, Brazilians sense they have been robbed yet again. Undelivered commitments and empty promises fuelled the social unrest we saw last year in June. With an upcoming national election in October after 12 years of PT rule (Worker’s Party), this World Cup isn’t about football; it’s more than a sporting event. This World Cup is a politically defining moment for Brazilian power structures and society, and is the Brazilian people’s opportunity to taken on more political driving force.

 

 

 

 

Uma economia cíclica no Brasil?

A economia cíclica apresenta oportunidades de realizar reduções importantes na produção de resíduos sólidos no país. Ao longo do ano passado, eu realizei uma série de pesquisas sobre as oportunidades para a implantação de uma economia cíclica no Brasil. A pesquisa englobou análises das oportunidades criadas e dos enquadramentos legais, econômicas e sociais existentes no Brasil.

Os resultados apresentam quatro oportunidades para uma economia cíclica: a Política Nacional de Resíduos Sólidos, incentivos financeiras, concentração de indústria e logística na região Sudeste do Brasil, e empreendedorismo.

A economia cíclica apresenta soluções estratégicas para umas das questões mais complexas enfrentando o mundo hoje em dia: esgotamento de recursos, produção de lixo na cadeia de valor, aumentos nos preços de recursos e degradação de biodiversidade e ecossistemas. Ou seja: as forças destrutivas do sistema econômica do XXI século.

A visibilidade do conceito da economia cíclica esta aumentando: em 2008, legislação chinesa adotou conceitos da economia cíclica como parte da estratégia de desenvolvimento econômico nacional. Em total, 30 parques eco-industriais foram aprovados para construção, facilitando o intercambio de resíduos sólidos entre fabricas, com aproveitamento de resíduos para matéria prima e extração de energia. De modo similar, a União Europeia anunciou em 2012 um compromisso de se tornar a uma economia cíclica, no programa «Uma Europa eficiente em recursos».

Aumentos nos preços de energia e recursos (veja gráfico abaixo), demonstram claramente a necessidade urgente de mudar para uma economia não-destrutiva, alternativa para o modelo atual, que consome recursos finitos de maneira infinita.

 Screen shot 2012-07-21 at 20.44.54

Baseado no conceito de ecologia industrial, a economia cíclica pretende analisar a indústria de forma integrada, tendo em conta as interaçãos e relações entre a indústria e ecossistemas. A economia cíclica considera tanto a produção como o consumo sustentável no âmbito empresarial e da sociedade. Assim, ela promove desenvolvimento sustentável na medida em que procura reduzir a utilização de materiais primas e energia no ciclo de vida de produtos.

A economia cíclica é uma oportunidade para crescimento econômico, possibilitando o desenvolvimento de uma economia restaurativa que protege o meio ambiente e recursos naturais. Isto pode ser conseguido por meio de uma ampla gama de estratégias, incluindo os fluxos de circuito fechado de materiais, fabricando produtos em ramo de Design para Refabricação e Design para Desmontagem, aplicando a certificação Cradle to Cradle, e montando logística reversa para evitar que os resíduos sejam depositados em aterros e, como alternativa, utilizando os resíduos sólidos como matéria prima em novas cadeias de produção.

Imaginando a economia cíclica no Brasil: 4 possibilidades

1. Politica Nacional de Resíduos Sólidos

Depois de 20 anos, o governo brasileiro introduziu Política Nacional de Resíduos Sólidos (PNRS). A política tem foco em seis tipos de resíduos perigosos, tendo como objetivo a redução de produção de resíduos e a melhoria de sustentabilidade na gestão de resíduos sólidos urbanos.
As características fundamentais da política a torna uma plataforma viável para a construção de uma economia circular:

– introdução da hierarquia dos resíduos, que determina as prioridades de pós-consumo, gestão de resíduos, salientando a necessidade de prevenção e redução, o que tem implicações sobre design de produto

– assegurando o princípio do poluidor-pagador, os produtores são obrigados a pagar para a gestão de resíduos sólidos

– dando prioridade ao desenvolvimento da logística reversa e cadeias de abastecimento, a fim de desviar os resíduos dos aterros sanitários e lixões e retornar em fim de vida de produtos para o produtor

Com respeito a esta última questão, a logística reversa facilita sobre tudo o desenvolvimento de sistemas de produção industriais em ciclos fechados. A PNRS exige que os produtores em um determinado sector trabalhem em parceria para construir a logística reversa. Isso promove uma maior colaboração, o compartilhamento de informação e comunicação entre os jogadores-chave. Portanto, existem grandes barreiras institucionais, físicas e econômicos envolvidos no desenvolvimento de logística reversa. Por exemplo, enquanto o Brasil tem a quarta maior rede de estradas em todo o mundo, apenas 13% do que é pavimentada, que define os desafios para o desenvolvimento de rodoviário de cargas para a logística reversa (CIA World Factbook).

No entanto, no desenvolvimento da logística reversa, as indústrias brasileiras poderiam preparar se para estratégias cíclicas de design, fabricação e reuso de resíduos sólidos como matéria prima.

2. Fundos económicos

Várias fontes de financiamento existem para incentivar a produção sustentável​​:

– Fundo Nacional para Mudanças Climáticas – apoie projetos que desenvolvam a logística reversa
– FINEP Brasil Sustentável investe em projetos que promovem a produção sustentável e inovação em tecnologia
– BNDES Funtec investe em inovação sustentável em tecnologia

Os três fundos citados fazem parte de programas nacionais que fornecem investimento para dar apoio a negócios sustentáveis, tecnologia e serviços em superar as barreiras de mercado. Brasil Sustentável, por exemplo, tem acesso a US$987 milhões em financiamento, que se destina ao desenvolvimento de produtos sustentáveis​​, tecnologias e inovação. 75% sera destinado a projetos que incentivam inovação nas empresas e 25% para subsídios no desenvolvimento de novas tecnologias em áreas prioritárias que têm relevância para a economia circular.

Além disso, o governo brasileiro lançou recentemente o Plano de Ação para Produção e Consumo Sustentáveis. O Plano define objectivos e metas de sustentabilidade para seis setores chaves que visam à transição para uma sociedade brasileira mais sustentável. Este plano constitui o quadro regulamentar necessário para crescimento no mercado de bens e serviços sustentáveis.

Uma das maiores barreiras é à demanda do mercado por produtos sustentáveis​​: atualmente apenas 5% dos consumidores brasileiros se consideram “consumidores conscientes” (Instituto Akatu). Isso impede a inovação e os esforços de sustentabilidade, como o retorno do investimento para os produtos sustentáveis ​​continua sendo baixa. Outros desafios incluem o “Custo Brasil”, e processos burocráticos que agem como barreiras à entrada no mercado.

3. Região Sudeste

A região Sudeste oferece fatores favoráveis ​​para uma economia cíclica, sendo que:
– a maioria da atividade industrial no Brasil está concentrada nas regiões da cidade de São Paulo e Rio de Janeiro, que entre eles contribuem em média 25% do PIB do Brasil anualmente

– a maioria dos resíduos são produzidos no Sudeste, impulsionada pelas cidades de São Paulo e Rio de Janeiro

– parques eco-industriais estão florescendo no estado do Rio de Janeiro, originalmente criado por uma iniciativa do governo e agora liderado pelo sector privado

– a melhor infra-estrutura rodoviária encontra-se no Sudeste, facilitando o desenvolvimento da logística reversa a um custo mas favorável
– a maior parte do financiamento do BNDES mencionado no ponto 2 acima foi para empresas sediadas na região Sudeste do Brasil

4. Empreendedorismo

Finalmente, empreendedores têm uma oportunidade de fazer crescer nichos de mercado na concepção e produção de produtos sustentáveis​​, dada a sua capacidade de inovar em produtos, exemplificado pelas empresas TerraCycle, NovoCiclo e EPEA Brasil. Esses atores tiram benefícios do fato de não estarem “trancados” em processos de fabricação de alto produção de carbono. A Lei Nacional de Resíduos Sólidos oferece a oportunidade de gerar novas oportunidades no mercado, com apoio de financiamento oferecido pela FINEP e BNDES para empresários e a PME, o que reduz as barreiras à entrada.

O governo brasileiro não tem desenvolvido o melhor ambiente operacional para start-ups e empresários, mas a boa notícia é que a mudança é iminente: no mês passado, o governo anunciou que investimento de R $ 200.000 para cada um dos 100 start-ups selecionados por demonstrarem o maior potencial de crescimento e oportunidades para expansão.

Tomados em conjunto, os quatros pontos citados representam uma rede de oportunidades para um novo sistema econômico, modelos de negócios e de consumo que ajudará o Brasil a se desenvolver em uma sociedade sustentável e resiliente.

Fontes complementares

Fundo Nacional sobre Mudança do Clima

FINEP Brasil Sustentavel

BNDES Fundo Tecnológico (BNDES Funtec)

Plano de Ação para Produção e Consumo Sustentáveis (PPCS)

Competitiveness and growth in Brazilian cities: local policies and actions for innovation